Could Ghana outlaw 'sex for jobs' demands?

President John Mahama's call to criminalize so‑called "sex for jobs" marks one of the clearest signals yet that Ghana's leadership is willing to confront a practice that is widely acknowledged but rarely addressed head‑on.

The issue came up during a town hall in Koforidua on May 1, when a female student challenged persistent gender inequality in hiring. Mahama used the moment to argue that existing norms and policies are insufficient, framing the practice as both exploitative and intolerable.

"One of the worst things, and I think we should pass a bill to make it punishable, is that sometimes if the employer or the person responsible for employing is a male, they demand some romantic relationship before they give them jobs," Mahama said. "It is unacceptable. It must stop."

The significance lies not only in the rhetoric but in the proposed legal response. Ghana already prohibits sexual harassment under its Labour Act and criminal code, and it has broader protections under the Domestic Violence Act. However, activists say these laws tend to focus on harassment after employment has begun or on coercion in domestic settings. The specific scenario of conditioning access to employment on sexual compliance has largely remained in a legal grey area.

Why 'sex for jobs' practices persist

Youth unemployment remains high, competition for public and formal‑sector jobs is intense, and recruitment processes are often opaque. In this environment, activists note, employers wield enormous power over applicants, particularly young women.

"I'm very happy that the president has taken this stance," said Victoria Bright, a lawyer and former legal advisor to John Kufuor, a former president of Ghana. "It is exploitative behavior; it is unacceptable."

Civil society organizations point to cultural barriers: victims may fear stigma, reputational damage, or retaliation, while institutions often lack clear reporting mechanisms. As a result, abuse is widely discussed informally but seldom prosecuted, reinforcing a sense of impunity. "When a person in authority conditions employment on sex, I think it's a form of corruption, and we cannot tolerate that in a civilized society," Bright said.

For Nii Kwartei Glover, a member of parliament and a former deputy transport minister, "patriarchal influence of men over women has contributed" to the spread of the practice.

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What a targeted law could change

A standalone law criminalizing "sex for jobs" demands would represent a notable expansion of Ghana's workplace‑rights framework. Activists say it would provide a precise legal definition of the offence, distinguishing it from general harassment or bribery. It would also attach explicit criminal penalties, elevating the practice from misconduct to prosecutable abuse of power.

Legal experts argue that this clarity matters. According to Bright, when conduct is clearly named and penalized, institutions are more likely to adopt internal safeguards, and victims gain a stronger basis to seek justice.

Mahama has positioned the proposal as part of a broader push for gender parity, including the implementation of the Affirmative Action Act and an ambitious target of achieving equal representation in public appointments by 2028. International observers have noted that Ghana has often been praised for gender legislation that is progressive compared to regional peers.

According to Bright, symbolic progress does not automatically dismantle entrenched power dynamics, especially where recruitment remains discretionary and largely male‑dominated. "At the end of the day, I guess the test will be in how the law is actually structured, because in Ghana we have a lot of beautiful laws, but it is at the enforcement stage that the whole thing breaks down," she told Ghana's My Joy television.

Roland Affail Monney agrees that the core challenge lies in enforcement. The former president of the Ghana Journalists Association argues that "sex for jobs" cases are notoriously difficult to prove. But with new technologies, gathering evidence has become simpler. "As for evidence, we can now get gadgets or electronic means of communication," Monney said.

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The role of parliament and civil society

However, Ghana's patchy record on enforcement fuels skepticism. The country is widely viewed as having strong laws on paper, while prosecution rates for gender‑based offences remain low. Without well‑designed standards, whistleblower protection and confidential reporting channels, activists fear that a new offence risks becoming another symbolically important but practically underused statute.

Nonetheless, the severity of the problem has not gone unnoticed: "To the extent that the president of the land is calling for an enactment to deal with this issue," said Kofi Benteh Afful, a member of parliament for Sefwi Wiawso. "I think it means from wherever the president has information, it has become a canker for us to go to."

For Mahama's proposal to move forward, it must be translated into a bill and passed by parliament. This raises key questions: Will lawmakers opt for a narrow amendment to existing labor and criminal laws, or introduce a comprehensive new statute? 

If enacted and meaningfully enforced, the law could alter recruitment norms, empower job seekers and reinforce the idea that abuse of authority in hiring is not just unethical, but criminal. As Monney put it: "We expect boards of directors [and] the authorities of such workplaces to activate such ethical laws and deal with… the stinky fish."

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Edited by: Benita van Eyssen